Workplace

In this blog of the series on, Understanding the Experiences of Black Teachers in London: Why Mattering Matters, I draw together what the study reveals about how Black teachers in London experience mattering, and the conditions that appear to shape it. What became increasingly clear to me throughout the analysis is that mattering is not fixed or linear. It is continuously negotiated through everyday interactions, institutional structures, and relationships within schools. Across the data, mattering emerged as deeply subjective and relational (Elliott, 2009), while also closely aligning with Rosenberg’s (1985) conceptualisation of being both valued and adding value.

Representation

Representation emerged as one of the most significant themes, and I found this particularly compelling in how consistently participants linked it to purpose, identity, and responsibility. Many described their presence in schools as meaningful not only for themselves, but for Black students who rarely see themselves reflected in teaching roles.

Participants often spoke about being role models. This was not framed as symbolic representation, but as something tangible and influential in shaping aspiration and self-perception among Black pupils. In this sense, their presence in education was experienced as actively expanding what students believed was possible for them. This aligns with Dinkins and Thomas (2016), who emphasise the importance of Black educators as relatable figures for Black students.

At the same time, I noticed a clear tension within this theme. While representation was experienced positively and with pride, it also carried emotional responsibility. Some participants described feeling positioned as representative of all Black experiences, which aligns with Elliott’s (2009) notion that reliance on individuals can become burdensome. Representation therefore existed as both affirmation and pressure, rather than a straightforward positive experience.

Authenticity also played a central role. Participants described feeling a stronger sense of mattering when they were able to bring their full selves into the workplace, including aspects of culture, identity, and communication style. This resonates with Deci and Ryan’s Self-Determination Theory (1985), particularly the importance of autonomy and relatedness. Where authenticity was supported, participants described stronger belonging and professional confidence.

Voice was equally significant. I was struck by how emotionally charged it was when participants felt genuinely heard by leadership. For some, being listened to after extended periods of invisibility was described as transformative. This connects with Baumeister and Leary’s (1995) argument that belonging is a fundamental human need, and in this study, voice appeared to function as a direct pathway into that sense of belonging.

Racism

Racism emerged as the most consistent and destabilising factor across all accounts. Participants described a wide spectrum of experiences, ranging from subtle microaggressions to overtly racist incidents involving both colleagues and students.

A recurring issue was racialised stereotyping, particularly being labelled “aggressive” when expressing themselves assertively or professionally. Many participants experienced this as “tone policing”, where communication was reframed through a racialised lens. This significantly undermined their sense of professional legitimacy and fairness, aligning with Sabbagh and Schmitt’s (2016) work on perceived injustice, particularly in relation to respect, equality, and voice.

Workload and expectation also featured strongly. Several participants felt they were required to work harder than white colleagues in order to receive similar recognition or progression. This was often experienced as systemic rather than individual, suggesting structural inequities in how contribution is evaluated and rewarded.

Access to leadership was another key issue. Participants described perceptions that promotion pathways were more accessible to white colleagues, often shaped by informal networks and relational dynamics rather than transparent criteria. Wallace’s (2020) work is particularly relevant here in highlighting how progression can be influenced by institutional gatekeeping and unequal access to mentorship and sponsorship.

Another important theme was the expectation that Black teachers take responsibility for managing behavioural issues involving Black students. This was often unspoken but persistent, creating a form of racialised role allocation that extended beyond formal job descriptions and contributed to uneven professional burden.

What stood out most strongly for me was the emotional labour involved in responding to racism itself. Several participants described exhaustion linked to having to educate colleagues about racial bias. This aligns with Kohli and Pizarro’s (2016) discussion of burnout, particularly emotional depletion and reduced sense of accomplishment. In this context, racism functioned not only as discrimination, but also as a sustained drain on energy, identity, and professional resilience.

Reinforcement

Alongside these challenges, reinforcement emerged as a crucial counterbalance in shaping mattering.

Recognition from colleagues and leadership was highly valued, particularly when it was specific, sincere, and explicitly linked to contribution. Participants often described surprise when their work was acknowledged, which I found particularly revealing. This aligns with Ryan’s (1985) Self-Determination Theory, where unexpected positive feedback enhances intrinsic motivation and supports psychological growth.

However, the most consistent and emotionally significant reinforcement came from students. Nearly all participants described deeply meaningful relationships with pupils, including gratitude, affection, admiration, and long-term appreciation. These interactions were frequently described as central to their sense of purpose and professional identity, reinforcing Rosenberg’s (1985) notion of being both valued and adding value.

Parents and carers also contributed to this sense of reinforcement, particularly when they actively expressed appreciation or sought out individual teachers due to their perceived impact.

What became especially evident to me is that reinforcement and racism often coexisted. Participants frequently experienced affirmation in one domain, such as the classroom, while simultaneously experiencing devaluation within institutional structures. This duality appears central to understanding the complexity of mattering, which is neither stable nor uniformly distributed across contexts.

Overall, what this study reveals is that mattering for Black teachers in London is not a fixed state but a dynamic and continually negotiated experience shaped through representation, racism, and reinforcement.

Representation provides visibility, purpose, and pride, but can also generate emotional and professional responsibility. Racism consistently undermines mattering through inequity, stereotyping, restricted opportunity, and emotional labour. Reinforcement, particularly through relationships with students and recognition from others, plays a vital role in sustaining and restoring a sense of value and belonging.

Taken together, these findings suggest that mattering is not simply about being present within schools. It is about whether Black teachers are able to feel seen, heard, respected, and able to bring their full identities into their professional lives without penalty.