
Written by Chloe Watterston
Chloe is an educator, athlete, and advocate for inclusive, curiosity-driven learning, dedicated to creating spaces where every young person feels safe, valued, and empowered. Her work across mainstream and SEND education, community projects, and curriculum reform is driven by a passion for amplifying marginalised voices and breaking down barriers to learning.
A child who feels unsafe today cannot wait for a policy tomorrow. Policy may set ideals, but practice shapes futures. Too often, though, the people who live and breathe education, the teachers in classrooms and the pupils in their care, are absent from the spaces where policy is made. We are told to wait for more research, more reviews, more proof. Yet the proof is already here, played out daily in classrooms and corridors across the country.
Diversity without anti-racism is nothing. Euphemism is the enemy of truth. If education is to be just, the compass must be the stories of pupils and the lived experiences of teachers. Policies written in isolation from practice do not protect children; they leave them exposed. The task is to close this gap- not gradually, but urgently, honestly, and with courage.
At the recent Anti-Racism in Education Conference led by The Black Curriculum, one theme rang clear: the gulf between those who draft policies and those who deliver them.
On paper, education is framed as the great equaliser. Policies promise fairness, opportunity, and protection. Yet between the page and the classroom, those promises are lost. Teachers are expected to diversify curricula without training or resources. Pupils are promised inclusion while staffrooms remain homogenous. The result is predictable: lofty commitments at national level, fragmented efforts at school level, and a profession left carrying ideals without the tools to deliver them.
This disconnect is not neutral. When policy lags, children suffer. When euphemism replaces truth, racism goes unchallenged. When accountability is weak, minoritised teachers leave, students are silenced, and inequities deepen.
What the Evidence Already Shows
The problem is not a lack of data. The picture is already painfully clear. Almost half of schools in England have no Black, Asian, or Minority Ethnic teachers (Mission44). In schools where staffrooms lack diversity, teachers of colour are more likely to leave (UCL). Pay gaps remain, with Black teachers outside London earning less than white colleagues, and the disparities widening further at leadership level (NEU). Nine percent of schools fail to report ethnicity data at all, sidestepping scrutiny under the Equality Act (NEU).
This mismatch between pupils and staff undermines belonging. In fact, schools with the most diverse student bodies often have the least diverse staffrooms and the highest turnover. The climate within schools adds to the problem: Black teachers report feeling less supported, more bullied, and more likely to leave the profession prematurely (NFER).
Meanwhile, grassroots organisations such as DARPL, Lit in Colour, and the HALO Collective are already producing solutions. The challenge is not innovation, but uptake. As one panellist at the Anti-Racism in Education Conference put it: “We don’t need more data to prove what’s happening; we need action.”
From Initiative to Infrastructure: Levers for Change
Anti-racism cannot survive as a project or an occasional initiative; it must be treated as structural reform. That means embedding it into the very infrastructure of education.
It begins with governance and accountability. Governors should receive racial literacy training, and inspections must explicitly evaluate anti-racism alongside safeguarding and attainment. Local authority teams need to ensure that curricula reflect the communities they serve.
Teacher training must also be reimagined. No teacher should qualify without studying systemic racism, and all ITT and PGCE programmes should include mandatory modules on decolonising curricula, equity in behaviour, and racial literacy. Placement schools themselves should be assessed for inclusivity before being approved for trainees.
Policies cannot remain untouched. Behaviour, uniform, and admissions frameworks must be audited for bias, with disproportionate exclusions treated with the same seriousness as safeguarding failures. Euphemism must end: racism is not “bullying” or “unchallenged behaviour.”
Retention and progression for teachers of colour is equally urgent. Mentorship and leadership pipelines need to be developed, pay equity audits should become routine, and climate surveys must capture who feels valued, who feels isolated, and who is being pushed out.
Finally, the curriculum must be understood as a matter of structural reform, not individual goodwill. Decolonisation cannot depend on the enthusiasm of a handful of teachers. Instead, resourced and funded schemes of work must embed diverse voices across every subject. ‘Diversity weeks’ are no substitute for sustained, embedded practice.
This all leads to the deeper question: What Is Education For?
Ultimately, this debate circles back to purpose. Do we want schools to be comfortable – or do we want them to be true?
A Eurocentric curriculum is not neutral; it is erasure. Racism softened into euphemism is not diplomacy; it is complicity. When Black teachers leave at higher rates, this is not attrition; it is structural inequity.
Every delay, every euphemism, prolongs harm. Children notice. Teachers burn out. Communities lose faith.
Education cannot be reduced to paperwork or political cycles. It should be the place where truth is spoken, belonging is built, and futures are shaped. The evidence is here. The stories are here. The only question left is whether we have the courage to act.
Curriculum Shifts That Matter
Anti-racism is not about box-ticking. It is about truth telling. Teachers can bring this to life by introducing writers such as Andrea Levy, whose Small Island sheds light on the Windrush generation, or Caryl Phillips, who’s Crossing the River traces histories of displacement. Poetry and storytelling from figures such as Grace Nichols, Linton Kwesi Johnson, and Jackie Kay provide equally vital perspectives. Hidden histories also belong at the heart of the curriculum: Sophia Duleep Singh, the suffragette princess; and Claudia Jones, founder of Notting Hill Carnival. Representation here is not inclusion for its own sake. It is historical accuracy.
Britain’s multicultural history runs far deeper than the Windrush generation. Ignatius Sancho, born in 1729, became the first Black man to vote in Britain and was also a composer whose letters capture the intellectual life of 18th century London. In 1773, Phillis Wheatley published her poetry in London while still enslaved in America, just 20 years old at the time. Claudia Jones, as mentioned above, deported from the US, went on to become a leading voice in British anti-racism and founded The West Indian Gazette as well as Notting Hill Carnival.
For teachers, the invitation is simple: introduce one ‘hidden history’ into your lesson this week, then ask your students why they had not encountered it before. Leaders should take a hard look at workforce data and ask who is leaving, and why. Governors must review equity with the same seriousness as safeguarding. Policymakers, meanwhile, should stop asking for “more data” and instead start funding the grassroots work already making an impact.
Policy may set ideals, but practice shapes futures.
If the system will not lead the way, then schools themselves must light the path.
